For the year 2000 Census, here's a potentially radical idea: U.S. residents
of Mexican or Central American-origin, as well as most other Latinos should
declare themselves "Native American" on the Census questionnaire.
The way it is now, most Latinos are virtually obliged to put themselves in
the "white" racial category, even though they are the descendants of
indigenous people who have lived in the Americas for thousands of years.
In Mexico and Central America, the people there do not consider themselves
white, but rather indigenous-based "mestizos," or simply indigenous. In
fact, most Latinos are a mixture of Indian, African and European lineage.
Only a minute percentage--primarily the ruling elites--are considered white
(or Spanish).
Stanford anthropologist Renato Rosaldo says that mestizos, because of their
red-brown skin, are treated as "Indian" by our racialized society once they
cross into the United States. The discrimination they are confronted with
stirs within mestizos or Hispanicized Indians a newfound awareness of their
Indian heritage that many had long ago discarded in their homelands.
Incidentally, virtually all Americans are of mixed ancestry, yet the bureau
has traditionally opted for "one-drop" rules which result in "pure"
categories.
The Census Bureau has long known that for racial purposes, its forms produce
completely flawed results when tallying Latinos in the United States, but it
has failed to act. So we have decided to do its work for it. After all, the
Census Bureau should not be in the business of determining people's
identities. As it well knows, its categories are not biological or
scientific, but political.
When Census bureaucrats imposed the term "Hispanic" as an ethnic (not racial
category in the 1970s, they stated that "Hispanics may be of any race." Yet
when compiling statistics, the Census has tended to count the vast majority
of Latinos into the "white" category, and only a few into the "black"
category.
This practice belies reality and reveals either ineptitude, or shame, on the
part of the Latino bureaucrats who have historically advised the Census.
Nearly half of Latinos traditionally select the "other" race category.
However, because the bureau believes they are confused (98 percent of all
those who chose "other" in the 1990 Census were Latinos), it has
traditionally counted most Latino "others" as white by default. Lacking
viable options, in the 1990 Census, about half of the Latino population
selected the "white" category.
Many Latinos check the "white" category because the bureau does not offer a
mestizo (or mulatto) option, or because they have been told that they can not
designate themselves as Native Americans.
If, for example, Rigoberta Menchu, the 1992 Nobel Prize winner from
Guatemala, were to move to the United States, according to the bureau, she
should not check off the "Native American" box on the questionnaire. Only
members of U.S. federally registered tribes are supposed to exercise this
option, even though the majority of Native Americans originate south of the
U.S./Mexico border.
Additionally, the historical anti-Mexican/Indian attitudes of this society
have convinced many people--particularly Mexicans themselves--that there's
something wrong with being Mexican, thus many identify as white.
Today, Mexicans/Latinos are generally no longer ashamed of their ancestry.
Yet we are still waiting for institutional recognition from the Census
Bureau that it is OK for Latinos to acknowledge their indigenous roots.
Perhaps its bureaucrats incorrectly believe that "Native Americans" are a
race of people particular to the United States. Consequently, the Census
confuses nationality with race.
The option we suggest doesn't require government approval, nor does it
require a 10-year study by government Hispanics. All it requires is for
Mexicans/Latinos to check the "Native American" box and do it proudly. Many
have long personally identified themselves in this manner already.
If the bureau respects self-identity as it says it does, this simple act
should not confound it.
As for those who might oppose this idea because it might cause a decrease in
the number of people who choose the ethnic category of "Hispanic," the fears
are groundless. One is a racial category and the other is an ethnic one.
This fear is predicated on the idea that less "Hispanics" means less federa
dollars and that there is a connection between an accurate census count and
the proper enforcement of civil rights laws. This fear reveals an
entitlement mentality and also a naivete in believing that civil rights laws
are enforced as a result of census counts rather than political pressure.
For those who might be concerned that this group may then qualify for
benefits not entitled to them--not to worry. It wouldn't entitle them to
anything that is due members of U.S. federally recognized tribes--other than
dignity.
President Clinton has recently indicated that Chile's entry into NAFTA is a
top priority for his administration and he is seeking speedy congressional
approval for its inclusion into the trade pact. Chile, which is still
subject to the whims of its ex-dictator, General Augusto Pinochet, would
become the fourth member of the North American Free Trade Agreement, joining
Canada, Mexico and the United States.
Not waiting for the formalities of NAFTA, Canada and Chile already signed a
free trade agreement last month.
Chile may be but the first country to join what may become a hemispheric
trading bloc involving all the countries of the Americas. Proponents of this
plan even envision Cuba joining this bloc, post-Castro and post-communism.
The prerequisites for joining the exclusive NAFTA club is a democratic form
of government and a healthy economy. As far as the United States is
concerned, a country is deemed to be democratic if it has held free
elections.
Chile unquestionably has a healthy economy, but many of its citizens, despite
its "free and fair" elections, question the democracy of its form of
government.
The democratically elected government of Salvador Allende was deposed in 197
by the CIA-backed forces of Pinochet. The ruthless dictator oversaw a
military junta responsible for the death and disappearances of thousands of
civilians.
Pinochet formally relinquished power in 1990 as a result of a plebiscite in
which the citizens of Chile cast a vote of no-confidence. Despite the vote,
Pinochet remains "commander of the army for life." A 1978 amnesty law, which
pardoned anyone (read, members of the military) involved in the excesses of
the time, has made today's fragile democracy possible.
Despite a democratically elected president, Eduardo Frei, many consider
Pinochet--generalissimo for life--the true power in Chile.
In the past few months, the ongoing press censorship and the detention of
those who have criticized Pinochet have caused a nationwide uproar. Most
recently, Gladys Marin, the widow of one of the "disappeared," was jailed for
three days. Her crime was speaking at a rally commemorating Chile's
"disappeared citizens." At the rally, she denounced Pinochet as a
blackmailer and a psychopath. The former dictator had Marin arrested for
violating the nation's censorship laws, alleging that she had libeled him.
There is good reason why Pinochet engineered his new lifetime position. If
he were to be removed from his post--assuming the armed forces would support
President Frei--Pinochet probably would face charges as a war criminal. Eve
if he did not face charges, chances are likely that he could meet the same
fate as his comrade, the late General Anastasio Somoza. The Nicaraguan
dictator was gunned down in Paraguay in the 1980s, where he fled after he had
been deposed by the Sandinistas in 1979.
Pinochet still has lots of enemies, particularly family members of those who
were "disappeared," including many guerrillas. Yet the truth is, most of the
victims were not guerrillas, but simply oppositional voices.
Today, oppositional voices are not disappearing, but are subject to
censorship. As novelist Isabel Allende, niece of the former president,
recently stated, freedom of expression does not exist in Chile.
That lack of freedom is well known to the Clinton administration, but it will
not deter the United States from allowing Chile into the NAFTA club. Human
rights abuses in China have never deterred our country from awarding it "most
favored nation" trade status.
That's the nature of free trade--the objective is to increase markets and
profit, without concern for human rights. Mexico's mass violation of human
rights of its indigenous populations did not prevent Mexico from joining
NAFTA either.
It's been almost three years since NAFTA went into effect and the Zapatistas
rose up in defiance. Today, at best, NAFTA gets questionable marks for its
economic results. As we all know, Mexico's economy has been in shambles eve
since it devaluated the peso three years ago. On the human rights front, the
military campaign by the Mexican Army in Chiapas has led to charges of
widespread abuses--by both the armed forces and right-wing land owners and
their hired thugs.
Interestingly, law enforcement agencies within the United States, too, have
been accused by international human rights organizations of participating in
a continual mass violation of human rights--police brutality against its
black and brown populations.
But it's not likely that Chile will hold that against the United
States--especially if the less than exemplar Pinochet is still somewhere
lurking in the shadows.
The weekend after the presidential elections, approximately 1600
Chicano/Chicana students met at California State University at Northridge fo
the regularly scheduled fall statewide MEChA conference. But what began as
conference turned into a huge protest and rally against the recently passed
Proposition 209, otherwise known as the California Civil Rights Initiative
(CCRI).
Students at the MEChA or Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan (Chicano
Student Movement of Aztlan) conference resolved to counter CCRI -- which
outlaws the use of race, ethnicity or gender in state hiring, contracting college admissions via an online school -- through a campaign of resistance and organized civil
disobedience.
While the conference dealt with many issues relevant to the Mexican/Chicano
community, the freshness of the election served to focus the attention of th
students on Proposition 209.
On the other hand, the California State University system, on the other hand
has decided on a course of generally continuing to operate in the same manne
until told to do otherwise by the courts. The University of California
announced earlier in the week that it has decided to comply with Proposition
209.
As expected, a number of groups have already challenged the legality of the
proposition in court. Both proponents and opponents of Proposition 209 expec
that similar to Proposition 187 -- which restricts services to immigrants --
CCRI will be tied up in the courts for several years.
Prior to the MEChA conference, students at UC Berkeley had already staged a
rally and protest, including 28 students taking over the tower on campus, i
response to actions by the University of California. In a Nov. 6 memo sent
out by the UC system, UC President Richard Atkinson stated: "We are well
along in this process as a result of the Regents action last year eliminatin
race, gender, and ethnicity as factors in admission, hiring, and
contracting."
In an accompanying letter from the University of California system, C. Judso
King, UC provost and senior vice president of academic affairs sent out
guidelines which generally state that "No further action need be taken."
In reference to hiring and contracting programs, he states: "Since Regent's
resolution SP-2 went into effect on Jan. 1, 1998, and contains the same
prohibitions regarding preferences as does Proposition 209, there is no need
to take further action in these areas at this time." In reference to graduat
and professional admissions, King states that that UC is already in
compliance with 209. However, for undergraduate admissions, the same
prohibitions were to go into effect in 1998, but as a result of 209, said
King: "effective immediately, campuses may no longer use race, ethnicity or
national origin as one of the supplemental criteria used to select admitted
students from the pool of eligible students."
Additionally, unless directed by the courts to do otherwise, state financial
aid on the basis of race, ethnicity or gender will be eliminated for 1998.
Other programs will be reviewed by the UC Outreach Task Force, which is
scheduled to make recommendations in February.
Jennie Luna, co-chair of UC Berkeley MEChA and one of the students arrested
said that students from throughout the UC are especially upset that the
Regents are complying even prior to a court order.
Prior to the passage of 209, "students were actually unaware of the severity
of the issue, of the repercussions," said Luna. Aside from recruitment,
financial aid and retention programs, one of the other big fears is that the
university may move to eliminate ethnic studies. "Anything that is
ethnic-based will be against the law. For the next few weeks, you will see
lots of civil disobedience," she predicted.
Jesus Mena, public information officer for UC Berkeley said that fears
regarding the elimination of ethnic studies or women studies centers are
unwarranted. "There should be no impact," he said. The university is still
studying its options regarding Proposition 209, but in reference to ethnic
studies centers, they are protected under academic freedom and the First
Amendment he said. As long as they are open to all students, which they are,
he said, they will not be affected.
Regarding the MEChA conference, Feliberto Gonzalez, chairman of CSUN MEChA
says that "students came looking for answers -- as to what do we do now?" He
too predicts a series of statewide protests in the coming weeks.
"The David Dukes of the world have now taken off their "mascaras" (masks),"
he said, adding that rather than chaos, the protests will be well organized.
Whereas some might expect people of color to be down as a result of the
passage of Proposition 187 and now Proposition 209, Gonzalez said that it ha
actually served to unite and reinvigorate students. The conference
attracted more than 50 college chapters and several high school MEChA
chapters. MEChA, he said is also preparing itself for non-recognition. In
fact, he said he welcomes it. MEChA should not be in the position of seeking
approval to exist or function, he said.
Gonzalez said that MEChA is prepared to wage a long struggle to counter
Propositions 187 and 209. "We know this struggle will not be won in a couple
of months." He predicts that the next MEChA statewide conference this spring
in Santa Barbara will be a crossroads.
Rudy Acuna, one of the co-founders of Chicano Studies at CSUN said that he
saw the conference as very positive in terms of how students are responding.
"Students feel the pressure. They're under attack."
In addition to the generalized polarization and racism that is part of
California politics, Acuna said that certain hate groups have focused their
attacks against MEChA. One such group, he noted, is the San Fernando-based
Voices for Concerned Citizens. "They's out to destroy MEChA, he says, noting
that they have placed full page ads in local newspapers against the
organization and are stalking its leaders.
Acuna's assessment of Proposition 209 is that "it is disastrous." It is an
attempt to push people of color out of the educational system, he said.
He said that Spanish-language press had not been as vocal as they had been i
the campaign against Proposition 187. Additionally, he said white women
overwhelmingly voted in the interests of their husbands. "Many are racists
and they overrode their own interests. However, he said, "If [many] white
women hadn't voted against proposition 209, it would passed 80 percent to 20
percent instead of 59 percent," he said.
Rocky Ortiz, director of the National Xicano Human Rights Council and one of
the keynote speakers reiterated that the passage of 209 is a blessing in
disguise. "It's a kick in the rear." She noted that the current form of
affirmative action is not what's needed. People of color have always had
their own affirmative action, she said. "It's called decolonization."
Meanwhile, in response to the passage of Proposition 209, Tirso de Junco,
chairman of the Board of Regents of the University of California reassured
the university community that: "With the passage of Proposition 209, the
citizens of California have affirmed the Board of Regent's July 1995
decision."
"When the Regents made their decision over a year ago, they underscored thei
strong and enduring commitment t diversity."
Del Junco further stated that "My colleagues and I on the Board of Regents
are convinced that we can create a future for California in which all of our
students are given the educational opportunity and preparation they must hav
to succeed. We will work with President Atkinson, the Chancellors, and
everyone who cares about education in our state to see that this future
arrives as soon as possible."
These Articles are Reproduced with Permission from the Authors.
Compiled by: Glenn Welker
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